Spy vs Spy: Look who is watching
The issue in Raza Hiraj's disclosures is not about the
attendance of legislators -- it's about whether a minister should be spying on
parliamentarians
By Adnan Rehmat
A simple question: Does a
country's cabinet of ministers -- that embodiment of representative will in a
democratic dispensation -- have sovereignty over the intelligence agencies? In
Pakistan's case the answer is not a simple 'yes'. If any proof is required it
came through news reports in this newspaper earlier this month that a minister
spied on not only his cabinet colleagues but also his fellow parliamentarians
on behalf of the intelligence agencies. State minister for parliamentary affairs
Raza Hiraj confessed to sending detailed reports on the attendance of
legislators in parliamentary sessions to Inter-Services Intelligence, Military
Intelligence, Intelligence Bureau and even the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee,
which regulates the three armed forces.
The focus of the ensuing
brouhaha has sadly been restricted to which parliamentarians take their primary
function of legislation seriously and which ones are playing the truant. The
issue here is not the attendance of legislators in parliamentary sessions or
their absence from it but whether a minister or legislator should be spying on
parliamentarians for the intelligence agencies. If it were just a matter of
keeping a tab on the attendance of parliamentarians, surely this could be determined
from the attendance registers with the office of the speaker of the National
Assembly. The real issue here is who controls the intelligence agencies? The
parliamentary affairs ministry has demeaned itself by submitting an assignment
to the intelligence agencies that are, by law, subservient to them. Incredibly,
the list also includes the names of Aftab Sherpao and Rao Sikandar who, as
interior and defence ministers, actually are supposed to control some of these
agencies rather than the other way round -- a case of the office spying on its
chief!
But then what can be
expected of a cabinet that surrenders its sovereignty to the very offices it
regulates and one that is drawn from a parliament that legislated away its own
sovereignty. It has been reported that it was Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz who
sanctioned a register of attendance of parliamentarians be maintained but Sher
Afgan, the federal parliamentary affairs minister, emphasised that his junior
minister acted alone in passing on the information to the intelligence
agencies.
Again, the real issue
here is not whether the premier was not privy to this act -- and therefore
exonerated of guilt -- but whether the prime minister and the cabinet have held
the minister and the intelligence agencies accountable for passing on and
receiving information that is none of their business.
If there has been no
action taken, then the prime minister and cabinet are both guilty by
association. Considering the constitutional arrangements the irony cannot be
stark: a minister spying on his own colleagues! If at all, the parliamentary
minister should be spying on the intelligence agencies to determine whether
they are transgressing their limits by spying on people's elected
representatives.
Shockingly, the
attendance register of the parliamentarians have also been sent to the chairman
of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee. Why should an attendance report of
parliamentarians be sent to a government servant? The chairman should instead
be sending an attendance report to the cabinet outlining which serving generals
and soldiers are absent from duty and in violation of their original terms of
contract, running the country's myriad civilian organisations. Clearly the
soldier most absent from service is the army chief who is spending quality time
in the President House.
Again the real issue is
who controls the intelligence agencies? Clearly because the civilian government
isn't controlling them, they are not held accountable. Even now there is a
constitutional petition -- filed by Asghar Khan -- pending in the Supreme Court
regarding meddling of ISI in politics and making illegal payments to
politicians from the public exchequer. At least one former ISI chief (Lt Gen
Retd. Asad Durrani) and an army chief (Gen Retd Aslam Beg) have openly
confessed to distributing money among politicians and crafting electoral
alliances.
It is precisely because
the intelligence agencies have not been held accountable despite overwhelming
evidence against them that make them so powerful. Not for nothing do twice
elected prime ministers of Pakistan -- Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif -- term
them 'a state within a state'. Again, it is precisely because of misplaced
national priorities that while the intelligence agencies kept busy making and
breaking governments, nuclear proliferation was taking place right under their
noses -- remember, Dr A Q Khan publicly confessed to nuclear proliferation
while President General Pervez Musharraf stressed that neither any government
nor the military were ever involved in the proliferation.
The sharing of
information with intelligence agencies that has nothing to do with them has
been possible because the parliament is considered an accomplice in the
military-driven political priorities that favour the Establishment. Spying on
parliamentarians by intelligence agencies should be considered a breach of the
sovereignty of parliament. But who will hold the intelligence agencies
accountable? If there ever is a desire to do this, the Pakistani parliament
will form standing committees on intelligence a la the parliaments of the
United States and United Kingdom and like them summon the intelligence chiefs
to see what they are up to and how much money to give them.
As long as the parliament
does not stop being unintelligent, it will have to contend with intelligence
agencies.